Evaluate the idea that gender and sexuality are socially constructed Essay Example for Free

Evaluate the idea that gender and sexuality are socially constructed Essay In recent years sociologists have been studying the great extent to which gender roles are learned. Many behaviors that have traditionally been thought to be genetically determined male or female behaviors turn out to be learned behaviors and therefore subject to change in future generations. In a summary of gender role socialization studies, David Shaffer (1979) points out that by the age of two, children have generally learned to recognize â€Å"maleness† and â€Å"femaleness† on the basis of clothing and hair styles. By the age of three, children usually have learned to prefer sex-typed toys and recognize that girls become â€Å"mommies† and boys become â€Å"daddies†. By school-age, children realized that they are expected to engage in appropriate gender behavior and if they do not, they will meet with disapproval from other children and adults. Many sociologists have personally questioned the value of such early gender-role learning and raised questions about how this learning can inhibit later opportunities in terms of education and career selection (Howe, 1979). To understand how gender and sexuality are socially constructed we must look at the adaptive and functional nature of socialization. One can look at the content of socialization as adaptive for the individual and functional for the society. As adaptive for the individual, the content of socialization involves knowledge necessary for individual to adapt to the changing situation of their daily lives, while, as a function for society, the content of socialization involves the knowledge necessary for its members to maintain a society as an ongoing entity. Knowledge of social rules, appropriate emotional behavior, social situations, technical knowledge, one’s self-identity, and communicative abilities give individuals an ability to adjust their behaviors to one another in the different groups and situations in which they encounter each other. Such adjustments are necessary for the ongoing existence of a society. Only people know how to adjust their behaviors to each other can the group activities and relationships which make up a society be maintained. Only with a socialized adult population can anything such as a society be said to exist. The particular content of socialization becomes highly important in terms of the make-up of the society that one is observing. If the content of socialization were to change, people’s activities and motivations would change, and clearly the society would change. So, on a sociological quest the content of socialization is something to which the sociologist should and must pay attention (O’Brien, 2001). Charles H. Cooley (1964), a pioneer of American socialization studies, referred to an individual’s self-concept as a â€Å"looking-glass self†. Cooley implied that our self-conceptions reflect our interpretation of the relations to our behavior of those around us with whom we interact. According to Cooley, we not how others respond to our actions, which produces in us a feeling about ourselves, which influences how we perceive ourselves. For instance a person who drops something and overhears another’s remark about how clumsy he is, may come to think of himself as a clumsy individual. We come to think of ourselves in terms of our understanding of how others think about us. It is through interaction that we come to apply to ourselves such labels as â€Å"kind† or â€Å"mean†, â€Å"awkward† or â€Å"graceful†. To see oneself as beautiful is to interact with persons who see you as meeting the criteria of beauty. Whether one sees oneself as an ugly duckling or a beautiful swan depends upon the flock with which one swims. As a naturalistic and empirical quest for understanding the various aspects of social reality is that everyone both influences and is influenced by society, sociology is ultimately a quest for self understanding. Humans beings are not isolated entities; we are not hermits who live apart uninfluenced by one another. Rather, we are social beings who can only be fully understood when the social context of our actions are taken into account and carefully studied. In order to carry out the quest for sociological knowledge it is necessary to have an understanding of the types, uses and limitations of the various sociological tools or methods. The sociological quest can be the appropriate sociological map or theory (Shaffer, 1979). Now I want to look at social life as a process and structure in the social construction of gender and sexuality. Social life involves processes of socialization, culture, and deviance. Learning how to act in society via socialization, developing and sharing of orientations toward social life via culture, and the negative sanctioning of inappropriate behaviors via the labeling process of deviance are universal processes, which are necessary to social life, and found in all societies. Although their particular make-up will vary from society to society, these three processes exist in all human societies. But, in addition to these processes, there also exists in all societies some relatively permanent patterns of organized social life that sociologists refer to as social structures. It is within and through social structures that the processes of socialization, culture and deviance take place. Just as the processes of human life take place in the structure of the human body so, too, the processes of society take place within and are influenced by social structures (Macionis, 1997). The most basic social structure around and through which social life takes place are groups; groups range in size from relatively small informal groups such as families, to large bureaucracies and formal organizations such as businesses and governmental agencies. All groups are composed of members who have met certain criteria for membership, who play certain understood roles in the group, and who have a sense of group belonging, which is sometimes termed a â€Å"we-feeling† or a â€Å"consciousness-of –kind†. Groups, related to one another in terms of their performing similar social activities, together from the social structures called social institutions. For example all the groups primarily involved in educational activities together form a society’s educational institution. It is through and in groups, and the institutions that they compose that the basic social processes of a society take place. It is in social groups that the learning of socialization takes place that cultural roles are shared and acted upon, and that deviance is ascertained and punished. People know how to perform roles in groups because they have knowledge of how to act which they developed in the process of socialization, because they share cultural understandings with other group members with whom they interact, because they have an understanding of what is considered deviant and unacceptable behavior in the various groups to which they belong (O’Brien, 2001). When we consider how females and males differ, the first thing that usually comes to mind is sex, the biological characteristics that distinguish males and females. Primary sex characteristics consist of a vagina or a penis and other organs related to reproduction, secondary sex characteristics are the physical distinctions between males and females that are not directly connected with reproduction. Secondary sex characteristics become clearly evident at puberty, when males develop more muscles, a lower voice, and more hair and height while females form more fatty tissue, broader hips, and larger breasts. Gender is a social and not a biological characteristic. Gender consists of whatever traits a group considers proper for its males and females. This is what makes gender vary from one society to another. Sex refers to male or female, gender refers to masculinity or femininity, so sex you inherit and you learn your gender as you are socialized into specific behaviors and attitudes (Gilmore, 1990). The sociological significance of gender is that it is a device by which society controls its members. Gender sorts us on the basis of sex, into different life experiences. It open and closes doors to power, property, and even prestige. Like social class, gender is a structural feature of society. Biology plays a significant role in our lives. Each of us begins as a fertilized egg. The egg, or ovum, is contributed by our mother, the sperm that fertilizes the egg by our father. At the very moment the egg is fertilized, our sex is determined. Each of us receives twenty-three pairs of chromosomes from the ovum and twenty-three from the sperm. The egg has an X chromosome. If the sperm that fertilized the egg also has an X chromosome, we become female. If the sperm has a Y chromosome we become male. That’s the biology. Now the sociological question is, does this biological difference control our behavior? Does it make females more nurturing and submissive and males more aggressive and domineering? (Macionis, 1997) Almost all sociologists take the side of â€Å"nurture† in this â€Å"nature vs. nurture† controversy. The dominant sociological position is represented by the symbolic interactionists. They stress that the visible differences of sex do not come with meanings built into them. Rather each human group determines what these physical differences mean for them and on that basis assigns males and females to separate groups. It is here that people learn what is expected of them and are given different access to their society’s privileges. Most sociologists find compelling argument that if biology were the principal factor in human behavior all around the world we would find women to be one sort of person and men another. In fact, ideals of gender vary greatly from one culture to another and as a result, so do male-female behaviors. For example the Tahitians in the South Pacific show a remarkable contrast to our usual expectations of gender. They don’t give their children names that are identifiable as male or female, and they don’t divide their labor on the basis of gender. They expect both men and women to be passive, yielding and to ignore slights. Neither male nor females are competitive in trying to attain material possessions (Gilmore, 1990). Society also channels our behavior through gender socialization. By expecting different attitudes and behaviors from us because we are male or female, the human group nudges boys and girls in separate directions in life. This foundation of contrasting attitudes and behaviors is so thorough that, as adults most of us think, act and even feel according to our culture’s guidelines of what is appropriate for our sex. Our parents are the first significant others who teaches us our part in this symbolic division of the world. Their own gender orientations are so firmly established that they do much of this teaching without even being aware of what they are doing. This is illustrated by a classic study done by psychologists Susan Goldberg and Michael Lewis (1969). They asked mothers to bring their 6 month old infants into their laboratory to supposedly observe the infant’s development. Secretly these researchers also observed the mothers. They found that the mothers kept their daughters closer to them. They also touch and spoke more to their daughters. By the time the children were 13 months old, the girls stayed closer to their mothers during play, and they returned to them sooner and more often than did the boys. When they set up barriers to separate the children from their mothers, who were hiding toys, the girls were more likely to cry and motion for help, the boys ere likely to try to climb over the barrier. Goldberg and Lewis (1969) were able to conclude that in our society mothers unconsciously reward their daughters for being passive and dependent, their sons for being active and independent. These lessons continue throughout childhood. On the basis of their sex, children are given different kinds of toys. Preschool boys are allowed to roam farther from home than their preschool sisters, and they are subtly encouraged to participate in more rough and tumble play. Even get dirtier and to me more defiant. Such experiences in socialization lie at the heart of the sociological explanation of male/female differences (O’Brien, 2001). In today’s society mass media plays a vital role in gender and sexuality roles. Sociologist stress how this sorting process that begins in the family is reinforced as the child is exposed to other aspects of society. Especially important today are the mass media, forms of communication that are directed to large audiences. Powerful images of both sexes on television, music and the internet reinforce society’s expectation of gender. Television reinforces stereotypes of the sexes. On prime time television, male characters outnumber female characters by two to one. They also are more likely to be portrayed in higher status positions. Viewers get the message, for the more television that people watch; the more they tend to have restrictive ideas about women’s role in society. The expectations to the stereotypes are notable and a sign of changing times. Video games have some youths spending countless hours playing games. Even college students, especially males, relieve stress by escaping into video games. But more studies into the affect of these games on the ideas of gender are needed. Because the games are the cutting edge of society, they sometimes also reflect cutting edge changes in sex roles (Macionis, 1997). As women change their roles in society, the mass media reflects those changes. Although media images of women are passive, subordinate, or as mere background objects remain and still predominate, a new image has broken through. Exaggerating changes in society, this new image nonetheless reflects a changing role of women, from passive to active in life outside the home, from acquiescent to dominate in social relations. Books, magazines, DVD’s and video games are made available to a mass audience. And with new digital advances they have crossed the line form what we traditionally think of as games to something that more closely resembles interactive movies. Sociologically, what is significant is that the content of video games socializes their users. Gamers are exposed not only to action, but also to ideas as they play. Especially significant are gender images that communicate powerful messages, just as they do in other forms of mass media (O’Brien, 2001). Lara Croft, an adventure seeking archeologist and star of Tomb Raider and Tomb Raider 2, is the essence of the new gender image. Lara is smart, strong, and able to utterly vanquish foes. With both guns blazing, she is the cowboy of the twenty-first century, the term cowboy being purposely chosen, as Lara breaks gender roles and assumes what previously was the domain of men. The old remains powerfully encapsulated in the new. Lara is a fantasy girl for young men of the digital generation. No matter her foe, no matter her predicament, Lara always is outfitted in form fitting outfits, which reflect the mental images of the men who created this digital character. Their efforts have been so successful that boys and young men have bombarded corporate headquarters with questions about Lara’s personal life. Lara had caught young men’s fancy to such an extent that more than 100 web sites are devoted to her. The final reward of the game is to see Lara in a nightie one can question that regardless of tough girl images just how far stereotypes have been left behind (Macionis, 1997). Gender stratification gives males and females unequal access to power and prestige and property on the basis of sex. It is closely associated with class and caste stratification and is a related phenomenon of gender stratification. Some but not all societies have men and women as unequal with the latter being more seen. Sexual in equality is characteristic of societies that are stratified in other ways as well. Women have historically occupied a position of inferiority to men in the class structured societies of the Western world. Sexual inequality may sometimes be seen in societies that are not otherwise stratified, in such instances men and women are always physically as well as conceptually separated from one another. The rise of gender stratification often seems to be associated with the development of strongly centralized states. Because social stratification of any kind tends to make life oppressive for large segments of a population, the lower classes are usually placated by means of religion, which promises them a better existence in the hereafter. Gender inequality is not some accident; instead it is the institutions of each society that work together to maintain the group’s particular forms of inequality. Customs throughout history both justify and maintain these arrangements. Although men have resisted sharing their privileged positions with women, change has come (O’Brien, 2001). By playing a fuller role in the decision making processes of our social institutions, women are going against the stereotypes and role models that lock males into exclusively male activities and push females into roles that re considered feminine. As structural barriers fall and more activities are engendered, both males and females will be free to pursue activities that are more compatible with their abilities and desires as individuals. As they develop a new consciousness of themselves and their own potential, relationships between females and males will change. Certainly distinctions between the sexes will not disappear. There is no reason for biological differences to be translated into social inequalities. The reasonable goal is appreciation of sexual differences coupled with equality of opportunity which may lead to a transformed society.

The Story of an Hour Essay Example for Free

The Story of an Hour Essay Mallard is feeling, and how the to contradict each other. An irony of fate occurs when there is difference in what a character realizes what they want and how they are treated in the end. Mrs. Mallard in this short story is the abyss of irony of fate. â€Å"When the doctors came they said she had died of heart disease – of joy that kills† (Chopin 170). Mrs. Mallard spends the first half of the short story feeling intense guilt and sadness with the news that her husband has died. Later on in the story Mrs. Mallard realizes that she is now free, without her husband she can do what she wants. When Mrs. Mallard has finally come to terms with her husband’s death and learned that it is a good thing, her husband walks in the door. Mrs. Mallard sees her husband alive and drops dead of a heart attack. Mrs. Mallard truly lives up to the irony of fate because instead of her husband being dead and her being free, Mrs. Mallard dies and her husband is the one who is alive and free. The metaphor, simile, and the irony of fate that Kate Chopin uses in The Story of an Hour help the reader follow Mrs. Mallard on her journey from grief to joy. The metaphor helps the reader understand the sadness she is feeling. The simile shows how Mrs. Mallard is dealing with her grief after hearing the news of her husband’s death. The irony of fate shows how after accepting that her husband’s death means freedom to her, she dies and it shows the reader the irony in it all. The three literary devices help illustrate the journey Mrs. Mallard takes when learning of her husband’s death. The simile and metaphor illustrate her sadness and then the irony of fate illustrates how her acceptance and joy of her husband’s death is her true end.

The Importance Of Socio-Cultural Factors

The Importance Of Socio-Cultural Factors Abstract The aim of the research project is to find out how two different schools within the same borough cater to children learning EAL and bilingual children. Observing two children aged 4-5, within a reception class setting was one research method used. Notes were made on their verbal and non-verbal interactions, with either an English-speaking student or a Tamil speaking student and their overall involvement in routine activities. To follow, interviews were also conducted with each schools EAL/EMA coordinators to gain first had information on exactly what each school provides, and to see if there were any differences in their approach. The paper looks into theories behind mainstreaming EAL students, the difficulties that settings come across and the key strategies and acts that have been put in place to narrow the gap between EAL student and English speaking students. Introduction English is described as the primary language, which is spoken and written in the British Isles (Oxford English Dictionary 1989). Hence it is empirical that all children in an early years setting linguistically aquire the language in order to be able to understand and complete the work that is put in place by the national curriculum. This case study will look into bilingual children and children learning EAL (English as an additional language) particularly focusing on children from an ethnic-minority background. In England (2009), 856,670 pupils were recorded as having a mother tongue other than English; this represented a total of 492,390 pupils or 15.2% at primary school (Statistical First Release August 2009). Inner London was recorded as having 54.1% of pupils learning English as a second language making it a prime researching ground for this topic. Research from the same statistical evidence also showed that there were more than 200 languages that are spoken in the homes of children attending schools in England (DFES 2001). The large statistical evidence begins to unravel the rapidly increasing number of EAL pupils. An increasing amount of pressure is put on mainstream classroom teachers to be able to handle both English-speaking students and Children learning EAL within a mainstream setting. This stresses the importance of all the ever-changing policies and strategies that have been implemented by the government and local authorities. These are not in place for the best intreset of the pupils but also to enable settings to achieve their highest potential. Most of the educational theories and practices are derived from research completed in Europe, Australia or northern America; a limited area of the world (Cable, C 2005). Research findings from these areas of the world will not be applicable in settings with children from ethnic minority backgrounds.This becomes another barrier for both the members of staff and pupils; expectations will begin to vary especially for a child from an ethnic minority background. Teachers with a lack of experience in a socially diverse field will base and derive mos t of their way of practice/ teaching from research which may limit the extent of help and support they can offer children, from any other background than those that the research has been based upon. Maslows work recognised the importance of socio-cultural factors, he believed that all children needed to feel safe, valued and needed a sense of belonging (Catlow.J 2006). This will be very difficult if the teacher has not got a wider understanding of a childs specific cultural background, beliefs and a general way of life. It will restrict interactions, as no familiarity would be available for the child to feel a sense of belonging. It is crucial to have a general understanding of an individual pupil, especially if they have arrived from a war-torn country or if theyve had no previous experience in an educational setting. This means that the child will not only have to acquire a new language but immerse themselves in completely new settings and environment with the possibility that no extra support will be provided by the family and parents, as they also may not be accustomed to the life and ways of schooling of this country. In 2006 the primary national strategy (Excellence and enjoyment, 2006) said that significant progress had been made in raising standards for primary schools and that many individual children from minority ethnic groups and those learning EAL were achieving impressive results; but this was not the case for all the children. Achievement gaps between different social and ethnic groups are still prevalent and needs further work (Mahon, Crutchley and Quinn 2003). Through observations and interviews it leads to the main research question of how do schools cater to children learning English as a second language? As the main question was very open, it was broken down by only looking at two different schools with a high population of ethnic diversity (evidence from Ofsted reports, 2008 and 2010). Then the different approaches they have in assisting children learning English as a second language and new arrivals into the school was looked into. The main aim was to see how well each setting pro vided conditions for learning with valued diversity, promote confidence and a sense of belonging, along with how well they developed effective partnerships with parents, carers, families and communities. First hand information was gained via interviews with the EMA (ethnic minority coordinators) to see how the school deals with LEA and bilingual children. Observations in a classroom setting were to see how their strategies were being implemented and how this affected or enabled the LEA or bilingual children to participate and understand the basic curriculum. The first hand research was then related back to secondary research to see how well the settings were using/complying to strategies, and policies such as the EYFS framework, work from NALDIC, Dfes, ECM, EMAG Aiming High and Primary national strategies. Literature review English as additional language (EAL) has only been mainstreamed in English school education since the mid 1980s(leung). From then onwards, over the past thirty years, the concept of integrating EAL learners into the mainstream curriculum has been a major point of interest for policy makers and educationalists(nalidc). As Lamb 2001 stated we currently live and teach in a highly complex and increasingly multilingual society. This is evident from the data collected via CILT; the annual school census: language data collection showed that in 2008 14.3% (466,420) of all LA (local authority)maintained primary school children have a first language known to be other than English. The latest data from the same census showed that the percentage had increased to 16.0% (518,020). Reason s for the rapid increase could be due to the current economical state and labour demands leading to the recruitment of workers from other parts of the world (Leung) and the growing numbers of asylum seeker/refugee children. Data from (DfES 2002) found that 70% of the children who were in those circumstances came from homes where little or no English is spoken (DfES 2002). These movements within the UK has led to English as an additional language becoming an important social and educational policy concern (for example, Bullock 1975; Department of education and science (DES) 1985; commission for racial equality (CRE) 1986; Department of education and science DES 1998; Department for education and employment (DfEE) 1999 qualifications and curriculum authority (QC a) 2000; DfEE 2001 The current EAL policy was first implemented at a time when there was a perceived need to tackle racism(leung). It was designed to remove any barriers and allow an equal access to education. The main aim was to give all children an equal opportunity by integrating them into the mainstream curriculum regardless of their English language competence. In England the way EAL has been perceived has shifted over the years. Even the label has evolved from English as a foreign language (EFL) which only focused on learning the language. This term failed to integrate the broader curriculum and overlooks the importance of ones first / home language. At a time when the term EFL was used students were often taught in separate language centres where no social links could be formed with native English speakers.soon after the findings of the 1986 Commission for Racial Equality report was released the separate language centres were closed down and specialist language support was incorporated within t he context of mainstream classrooms. Further research from (DFES 2010) has now shown that Children who are learning English as an additional language will learn more quickly alongside fluent users of English who can provide good language and learning role models. This is evident in (reference the case study) and many other school who use a Buddy system to ease children into school seetings throughout the induction period. Globally, there now exists a broad spectrum of literature on the education of EAL and bilingual pupils (Bourne Reid, 2003). Most of the ideas and developments that have risen in the field of EAL can be seen as falling into the following four categories. Language content orientation is based on a very structural approach , an example of this is the Scope material(1978). This advsed teachers that from the very beginnng you have to see it that your pupils learn correctly organized language. The incorporation of grammar , spoken laguage and written skills were developed through themed work eg; shopping or farm animals. With the use of visual enhancement and group discussion it allowed eal pupils to develop all of the conventional aspects of learning English. Content- language orientation is when subject specific uses of vocabulary and expressions are identified and classroom strategies are built around these in order to promote both understanding of he subject content and learning of English at the same time. An example of this is seen n (dale cuevas, 1987) workthey pointed out that maths uses English language vocabulary in a particular way hence pupils needed to be aware of the context each xpressions belonged to e.g the notion of subtraction can also be reffered to as; take- away, subtract from and etc. following fro this ( Mohan 1986; 1990; 2001) proposed an content language intergration approach which ties language expressios and curriculum content together via a set of underlying knowledge stuctures . he also suggested that the use of visual representations should be used to assit understanding of the key language and content meaning by students. Trans curriculum language orientaton is another form of eal pedagogy. An example of this is Cummins (Cummins, 1992; 1996; 2000; Cummins and swain, 1986) suggestion that language proficiency can be distinguished between basic interpersonal communicative skills (BICS) and cognitive/academic language proffiency ( CALP). BICS is usually when the meanings communicated is familiar to those involvrd in the conversation or when gestures and actions are provided for better understanding e.g greeting friends or going to play in the playground. CALP is language that is embedded in the context of a curriculm usually the language that contributes to educational success. This work went on to show that children learning an additional language can become conversationally fluent in the new language in 2-3 ears but may take 5 years or longer to catch up with monolingual peers in the development of CALP. Along with Cumins work the conceptual framewok prposed by snow, met gensee ( 1989; 1992) that enab les EAL and content teachers to share a common teaching agenda. Both of their ideas are pedagogically relevant to second language development within the mainstream curriculum. Cummins work can be used to plan out classroom strategies whilst the framework drawn up by Snow et al can be used for both language and subject content analysis and planning The fourth category is student orientation. The early work of Levin (edited by Meek 1996) was most influential in this theory. This was the first that saw mixed ability teaching in mainstream classrooms as a potentially effective response to meeting the language learning needs of eal pupils . Unlike the content and language orientated approaches this focuses more on the pupils level of progression and emphasies that social interaction between students and between students and teachers as pivotal. Another example of the important role of the first language is Cummins work on the underlying proficiency. This work showed that those who have developed CALP in their first language can transfer much of this learning to additional languages. The same theory is also prevalent in Colliers (1995) theory , the previous experience of leanring, apptitiued ,leanring style which was developed through the acquisition of the first language can be adapted into the way that the second language is learn t. As mentioned in (Naldic) the label of EAL itself appears to be part linguistic, part educational, part social and part political therefore the learners social and cultural experiences will impact on their progress in language acquisition as well as on their cognitive and academic development(ref). the development of a second language should not be seen as a problem or hinderance but as an opputunity to enhance her/his cultural heritage by adding a new language to their repertoire without losing proficiency in the first. Eal pedagogy has also been influenced by social constructivist theories; this emphasizes the importance of scaffolding learning, which highlights the socio-cultural and emotional factors. These factors are largely influenced by the attitude towards the children, culture, language, religion and ethnicity (ref) . This is mirrored by the work of Vygotsky (1962) who emphasized the influence of social interaction, cultural context and language in cognition and the role of a more experienced person in supporting childrens learning through scaffolding in the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) (Cable, 2005). Another socialists theory was Maslows work on recognising the importance of socio-cultural factors, he believed that all children needed to feel safe, valued and needed a sense of belonging (Catlow 2006) whilst Bruners work was focused more on the linguistic and coginitive side the link between high order language functions and thinking and learning skills. Each of these theories are ver y interlinked yet focus on different apectss of the leanring process a central characteristic of each policy development is a recognition of the overlapping social and cultural phenomena which impact on attainment in school (TTA, 2003). Bilingual learners and children learning EAL face two main tasks in school: they need to learn English and they need to learn the content of the curriculum (Excellence and enjoyment, 2006). Both aspects need to be equally balanced, particular focus on just grasping the language can leand to children falling behind on their academical process. One of the difficulties that is faced by schools is wheter to place children in settings with a lower cognitive demand to place the focus on improving the language aquisition skills or keeping them in classroom with peers of the same age group so they feel included and not made to feel reduced academically. There are national educational documents which suggest that along with English minority languages should also be considered languages of the mainstream curriculum; an example of this is found in the English (subject) national curriculum documents teachers are advised that in realtion to the development of spoken and written English they shou ld be building on pupils experiences of language at home and in the wider community, so that their developing uses of English and other languages support one another (DfEE and QCA 1999). For optimal educational outcome both the every child matters outcome and the EYFS key principles must always be followed in every setting to ensure that each individual child has an equal opportunity to succeed (Excellence and enjoyment, 2006). the overall ethos and curriculum of a school should be inclusive and welcoming (Sure start for everyone. 2004) as Leung stated children who do not feel a sense of belonging and do not feel comfortable in their surrounding will not learn. This links back to the pivotal relationships and attachments formed with members of staff. Schools need to stress the importance of cultural relevance for all families and ensure that they feel the setting is a place where they can feel comfortable, respected, valued and included (Excellence and enjoyment, 2006). The Race Rel ations (Amendment) Act 2000 states that every school should have a race equality policy which should cover staff, pupils, parents/carers and the wider community (DfES 2004). It is through language and the interactions with proximal society that culture is transmitted to the child. In this context the learners sense of identity develops, and language is central to this process (Franson, 2009). many parents would want their children to perform to their best abilities at a school level their first language plays a crucial part within the context of the family and community. In many cases the first language is the only means of communication with the extended family such as grandparents and family living abroad ( ref) . not only is the first language helpful in coding a second languageas stated in(Excellence and enjoyment, 2006) it is widely accepted that home language skills are transferable to new languages and strengthen childrens understanding of language use but a crucial factor in keeping the family close. A difficulty that arises in settings is when the teachers are not given enough information on how to work with these children.a teachers identity is not only conceived within an individual practitioners head, but it is also identified by the set of core values and beliefs that have traditionally been linked to that role. Society places a particalur ideology on what teachers should be able to handle children ( Hanworth 2008) but current research shows that most teachers felt that the level of trainining given throughout the intial teacher training stage (ITT) was inadequate. . The percentage of trainees who felt that their training was good or very good in preparing them to work with pupils with English as an additional language has remained static at 34% in 2007 and 2008(Hendry, 2009).This is due to EAL not being a main subject specialism and also as it requires no mandoatory specialist qualification (Haworth 2008; Butcher, Sinka Troman 2007). (10 case studies) Via the case studies they found that teachers who did one year of PGCE did not have enough time for reflection as most of the emphasis was doing it by the book reducing the input on EAL. With the increased population of EAL learners it is important to note the demand for different types of EAL provision with the new pattern of immigration. the mismatch in the system between the demand and the available specialist workforce is shown via the figures from NALDIC;; between 2004-2008 the number of EAL pupils rose by approximately 25% to stand at 824,381 but the number of EAL/EMA teachers had just increased by 8% during the same period. Socially perceived boundaries such as subject specialisation and hierarchial roles within a school setting can lead to a lack of collaboration (Haworth 2005). Coplllaboration has not historically been associated with class teaching (Lortie 1975). This is a downfall in the develepoment of EAL pedagogoy as teaching practice may benefit from collaboration on a personal level, through providing moral support and confidence; a professional level, enhancing reflective learnin; as well as on a practical level, resulting in increased effieciency and reduced workload (Hargreaves 1994). All teachers develop an individual self identity (Nias 1989) this then develop into self- efficacy beliefs which is an interweaving of the cognitive factors and affective dimensions (dufva 2003; Marland, 1986). Once self efficacy is achieved teachers are said to have strong beliefs about their ability to impart knowledge and enhance learning outcomes (Haworth 2005). But in a setting with a high population of EA L pupils the confidence/ self- efficacy is said to be challenged as teaching unpredicatibilty is often heightened and appropriate schemas many not be available (Pajares 1992). In these cases teachers may then become reluctant to seek help even when they need it ( Young kram, 1996) as their competence may be judged on their own ability to solve problems on their own( Lortie 1975). Other issues around this context is the status levels of support teachers and class teachers. Class teachers usually hold more powerful positions than support teachers (Haworth 2005) this can lead to a lack of communication on a childs progress. It is empirical that both sides are communicating effectively to discuss any problems or notes that have been made and to combine the curriculum work that the class teacher is focusing on (butcher et al 2007). Class teachers have also been reported to have unrealistic expectations of support teachers; they are expected to hold multiple roles and have cultural awa reness in all cultures that each child brings into the setting. All of this is expected out of sometimes non-qualified volunteers. Other teachers fear to show that they have specialism in the field of EAL as once established they are given the label of EAL specialist and expected to handle all children learning EAL. Hargreaves (1994) ideal vivison of a moving mosaic would be ideal where all professional contributed and discussed ways of Improvements. A lack of clarity between SEN and EAL is also a major concern.the (case studies ref) states the reason for this to be the lack of clearly identified criteria for identifying the language needs of pupils. Without clear assessment it is difficult to tell whether the delay is caused due to confidence issues using the language or because they have real learning difficulties independently of the language difference (cline 2009) As a pupil has further exposure to English, special educational needs may become apparent. It may be appropriate to follow both courses of action for some bilingual pupils. All answers should be based on good evidence collected in a variety of circumstances over a period of time. Children should only be involved with the SEN co-ordiantors if there is an actual need that needs to be dealt with. The SEN framework works completely differentlt to the EAL one, the wrong diagnosis could lead to the cognitive ability of the child to be supreesed due to the lack of challe nge. Over the main issues pointed out by researchers that have been a cause for concern are; the roles and reponsibilties over staff and support members, the staus of each member of staff and the crossover with specialists and mainstream teachers, the use of first language, community links and the teaching of English itself. Theories and frameworks have been developed (reference all above) but an international framework that will relate to all settings has yet to be created. Different approaches and methods are used by different settings but they are all costumly accomadeted to suit each setting, one approach that may be successful in one setting may not work at all in a different one. It all dpends on the geographical location of the settings and the particular outcomes it needs to reach. Methodology: The topic was chosen due to personal experience and an innate interest. At the age of 8 I was moved to the united kingdom and was considered to be an EAL learner. With no previous experience of English I was enrolled in a mainstream primary school setting. The main central research question is to look into how effectively pupils learnng EAL are intergrated within mainstream school settings. This was then broken down into 3 categories; to research current frameworks and theories, how interaction amongst peers effect the development and what kind of provision teachers/members of staff provide in supporting children learning EAL. The research was conducted in the manner of a case study. A Case study can be described as a spotlight on one instance/ situation or an in depth study to uncover what is happening and to shed fresh light (Aubrey et al 2000). The concept of EAL is a rapidly increasing area of interest and as set rules and regulations have yet to be adapted the process of a case study allows the opportunity to focus on all aspects of relevant research. The advantage of conducting one is; that it is richly contextualized allows for plenty of detailed descriptions and gives a better sense of what is being studied (Roberts-Holmes, 2005). This is contradicted by Flyvbjerg (2006) who pointed out the misunderstandings of case studies. The claims included One cannot generalize on the basis of an individual case and, therefore, the case study cannot contribute to scientific development ;and The case study contains a bias toward verification, i.e., a tendency to confirm the researchers preconceived notions. The overall aim of the case study was to focus on children learning English as a second language. With the use of internet serach engines and the universities library resource the process of filtering journals and information that was already produced began. As journals were read it became very apparent that there were no set guidelines for teachers to follow. Members of staff were facing a number of issues that hindered their ability to enable children learnig EAL to achieve their full potential. As the overall EAL issue was very wide the central research question (CRQ) was then refined to How are children learnig EAL intergrated into mainstream settings. First hand information is to be gained by looking into the interactions amongst pupils and how much supported is provided by the teacher. This is to be gained by the use of a semi- structured interview with the EMA/ EAL coordinators of each setting and an observation of 2 children within their natural classroom setting focusing on the interactions amongst peers and how the teachers expertise supports the children. As per the London government website (ref) London has the highest population of people from an ethnic minority background. With this information the search for two appropriate settings with a high number of EAL pupil began. With the use of the OFSTED reports the settings were narrowed down and then chosen according to proximity and access. First contacts were made via e-mail (see appendix ?) this outlined the aims of the research my intentions and what I would require. Both schools were content with the intial information that had been provided and requested to meet in person for further details to be discussed. The brief meetings with each head-teachers allowed me to be put in contact with the right members of staff and for them to provide me with children learning EAL in the appropriate class/age group. Two criterias were empirical in this research one was the chosen age group; 4-5 as an appropriate level of cognitive and language development is essential for any developments in ac quiring a second language to be noticed.the second is the ethnicity/ first language. The requirements were for 2 tamil speaking (as a first language) pupils. As I also have the ability to speak and understand the language it would allow me to gain first hand information on the discussions and thoughts amongst the peers. Once permission was granted to enter the school premesis the head teachers briefly introduced me to the class teachers that were in charge of the allocated classrooms and to the EAL/EMA co-odinators of each schools. The teachers allowed me to get aquainted with the class before the observation process had began enabling children to accept my presence and getting a chance to understand the purpose of why I was there. Ethical consideration was empirical as the research method consisted of first hand contact with children. Concerns have been related to the appropriateness and desirability of involving children directly in research, in terms of their competence and vulnerability as research subjects (manon et al 1996). The day observation commenced, a CRB had to be presented to both schools for security reasons before access was given to work with children. On the day of observation the teachers had pre- allocated two children as per the request and gave me a brief background. This included how long they had been in the u.k, when they joint the setting and what their current level of EAL was (see appendix?). as the children arrived at school the class teacher pointed out the parent of the pupils of interest. This enabled me direct contact in order to gain parental consent. A consent letter (See appendix 4) was also handed to them giving them a brief explanation of what my research consisted of and how their child would be involved allowing objection at anytime. Verbal consent was gained from the children to avoid deception. Further ethical evidence was specified (See Appendix 2). One of the chosen research methods was observation looking at day-to-day events within a setting without altering anything (Clough Nutbrown cited in Roberts-Holmes. 2009). This was considered to be the most suitable for acquiring information on the interactions amongst peers and witnessing exactly what kind of support was given by the teachers if any it involves first hand evidence collection and real-life situations (Roberts-Holmes, G, 2005, P92). This was extremely important as the children would need to behave exactly as they would in their daily lives without the researchers presence influencing the outcomes.The downfall to the method was that it was only conducted for a day hence the data collected may not have been be a true reflection of real life situation, as participants may know they are being observed. (Robson, C.2002). this should always be kept in mind when analyising the results. That said observation is the only method provides the closest representation of real life situations (Robson, C. 2002 It allows a researcher to be a part of their everyday life at school, seeing how they interact, play and learn, also allows observer to take account of emotions, tensions and behavior. (Bell, 1999). This was conducted as a mixture of structured observation and unstructured observation. The purpose was kept in mind, hence anything in relevance to how teachers facilitated children and the interactions between the peers was noted down as reflective diary notes (Holmes P.97). As soon as the initial raw observations were noted certain aspects specifically realted to the main focus were elaborated on,including the details of how the members of staff used materials and techniques to aide children learning EAL. The aim was to observe from an outsiders point of view but when working with children the nature is always unpredictable. At times participants would ask direct question or help which had to be responded to,at this point the role of a participant observer would be taken on. Although it disrupted the validity of the research it his allowed a deeper understanding through clarifications of their behaviour or actions that were at times unclear. To gain the information that was required from the EAL/ EMA co-ordinator a semi structured one on one interview was conductuded. This allowed information from the direct source, the researcher to ask the participant to elaborate, confirm and clarify what they are saying (Roberts-Holmes, 2005:110). Due to the close proximity the use of follow-up questions can be used to clarify something that has been said, or to expand on something raised by probing (Mac Naughton, 2001). The questions were prepared using the information that were highlighted as key areas in the literacy review and based onf current frameworks and policies. The interview was recorded via the use of a

Russias Economy During Yeltsin Era

Russias Economy During Yeltsin Era Analyse the principle problems facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era. How have these problems been tackled? Abstract The following dissertation will analyse the principle problems facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era. In many respects these principle problems facing the Russian economy stemmed from the economic and political disintegration of the Soviet Union combined with how effectively or ineffectively the Yeltsin administration had attempted to deal with those problems. As will be discussed the principle economic problems that faced the Russian Federation in 1992 were daunting, and therefore it is not surprising that some of these problems remained unsolved and were bequeathed to the incoming Putin government after Yeltsin’s surprise resignation at the end of 1999. Yeltsin had seemed to be Russia’s political saviour in August 1991 when he led the resistance to the attempted coup of Soviet hard-liners against Gorbachev. The failure of that coup inevitably accelerated the demise of the Soviet Union. However, the Russian economy would prove much harder to tackle t han desperate Soviet generals and KGB chiefs.[1] The principle problems of the Russian economy can be arguably traced back to the inefficiencies of the Soviet Union’s command economy and its massive military expenditure during the Cold War. These economic problems accelerated the demise of the Soviet Union itself and made it difficult to make the economic transition to capitalism without major economic implications.[2] The Soviet Union for all its economic faults had at least provided a basic standard of living, which meant that none of its people starved or were in severe economic distress. This was despite a stagnant economy, although its economic stability crumbled with remarkable speed. For much of the Yeltsin era the Russian economy could not match the basic living standards of the old Soviet Union for many of its citizens.[3] It could be argued that the transition to capitalism contributed to the worsening of the principle problems outlined below, and that ill thought out economic policies since have made it more difficult for those problems to be effectively tackled during and after the Yeltsin era. Among the main themes of this dissertation is that the Yeltsin government did not have a consistent set of economic and political policies to solve the principle problems of the Russian economy, which in turn hampered the effective tackling of those problems. The so called young reformers led by Yegor Gaider and Anatoly Chubais had the most thought out strategies for the Russian economy, yet they did not have a constant control over the government’s economic policy throughout the Yeltsin era.[4] Besides not all the economic strategies advocated by the young reformers proved to be effective once the Russian government put those strategies into practice. The ways in which all the principle problems of the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era were all interconnected are arguably obvious and apparent. To a certain extent it will be argued that Boris Yeltsin himself did not help the Russian government to tackle the principle problems of the Russian economy. The link betwee n principle problems in the Russian economy and political ones plus social factors will be discussed when and where appropriate. This dissertation will seek to examine the reasons for the Russian economy taking over a decade to achieve real growth, despite following the policies that it was advised would promote stability, liberalised and privatised economy. This dissertation will attempt to analyse whether the economic transition achieved anything at all to justify an estimated 47 % decrease in living standards between 1991 and 2000. How many Russians believed that the detrimental effects of the principle problems of the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era could have been averted or tackled earlier?[5] When Boris Yeltsin assumed the presidency of the Russian Federation it was still part of the Soviet Union and not even a sovereign state in its own right also it did not have control over economic policy. Yeltsin presided over the dismantling of Communist control in Russia, yet he found it very difficult to construct capitalism from virtually non-existent foundations as any form of capitalist economic activity had been illegal for much of the previous 75 years after the Communist Revolution.[6] By the time Yeltsin left his presidential office, the Russian Federation was a fully independent state that nominally, if not completely become a liberal democracy with a capitalist market economy. However, the dual Russian transitions to liberal democracy and capitalism from an authoritarian Communist State proved difficult and many have argued that those transitions remain incomplete. The incompleteness of the transition to capitalism and the political and economic make up of the Russian fed eration had a strong influence upon the principle problems facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era. Russia had been used to authoritarian government with state controlled central planning for the economy so the process of liberalisation had been uneven and had unwelcome social and economic consequences across Russia. The legacy of misguided Soviet economic planning took much effort and a great deal of suffering for the poorest sections of the Russian society to break, it seemed to help a minority of Russians make their fortunes, whilst leaving the rest to fend for themselves. In Russia the correlation between political and economic weaknesses arguably helped to make the post-communist economic and democratic situation imperfect and even corrupt.[7] The move to bring capitalism to Russia in less than a decade was as revolutionary as Stalin’s attempts to achieve industrialisation during collectivisation, yet the opposite aims of privatising the economy. The aim of the Yeltsin government to bring capitalism was a sensible notion, yet the ways that it was implemented caused controversy as well as arguably increasing the impact of the principle problems that afflicted the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era.[8] Decline and signs of recovery 1992 1998 The initial bout of economic shock therapy administered in 1992 brought about hyperinflation, the closure of many factories and enterprises, which led inevitably to mass unemployment. Gaider and the other young reformers in the Yeltsin government had to end state subsidies to factories and intoduce the lifting of price controls at one go rather than to introduce reforms gradually. It was harsh economic medicine for a country burdened with the consequences of communism’s profound economic and political failures, although Yeltsin did not have the political strength or motivation to carry out shock therapy as extensively as Gaider and the other ‘young reformers’ had originally intended. Through much of the 1990s the young reformers and the richest entrepreneurs known as the oligarchs competed for political influence and power, whilst contending to gain control of the Russian economy or a share of its greatest spoils. Neither the young reformers nor the oligarchs were popular with the majority of the Russian people, yet none of them particularly cared. They were not involved in popularity contests, they were arguing over power and riches. Sometimes they might do things that were good for the Russian economy, yet they were mainly interested in achieving their own agendas than serving the national interests of Russia.[9] The weakness of the Russian economy further weakened the position of the Russian government at the start of the Yeltsin era. These were political as well as economic weaknesses that still existed when Yeltsin left office. Yeltsin’s first term was undermined by political disputes with the Russian Supreme Soviet, which Yeltsin eventually closed down and replaced with a new parliament, the Duma. Yeltsin had to maintain his political position whilst attempting to prevent the Communists and nationalists making sufficient electoral gains to restrict his political room to manoeuvre. Yeltsin was able to maintain his hold on power, despite a strong challenge from the Communists after his re-election in 1996. Yeltsin’s second term in office highlighted his inability to find a Prime Minister that was politically reliable, could manage, or even reduce the weakness of the Russian economy and who did not want to assume the presidency as Yeltsin’s replacement before Yeltsin was due to leave office in June 2000. Yeltsin’s second term witnessed his problems with ill health worsen, which in turn meant that the Russian economy as well as the Russian government was not as effectively managed as they needed to be. When Yeltsin appointed the virtually unheard of Vladimir Putin as Prime Minister he believed that he had found a man that could fix the Russian economy and solve its political problems. Perhaps more importantly for Yeltsin and his family, Putin was unwilling to prosecute either him or his relatives for their links to the corruption and inefficiency of the Yeltsin era.[10] The Russian economy did show signs of revival towards the end of Yeltsin’s first presidential term, yet in many respects such a revival was more apparent than real. The vast majority of Russians were economically worse off than they had been before the collapse of the Soviet Union. Declining inflation and unemployment rates did not benefit most of them, especially those that lost their jobs, their savings, and all hope with the shock therapy of 1992 which resulted in inflation rates of around 2,000%. The new Russian economy seemed to benefit former Communist party officials; bureaucrats, factory, and state farm managers that managed to gain control of former state owned enterprises. The other main beneficiaries were the handful of entrepreneurs, subsequently known as the oligarchs that had become very wealthy through their links with Yeltsin. The Russian economy for the first time also had millions of shareholders eager to show their capitalist credentials. The Russian governm ent did not however, share in the beginning of the Russian economy during the middle of the 1990s, the strength and capabilities of the Yeltsin government to deal with economic problems was undermined by falling revenues. Government revenues had been reduced through the economic contraction of the early 1990s, higher spending on social security, lower global prices for Russian oil exports, plus extensive tax evasion. Not that anybody had to deliberately evade paying their taxes given the massive size of the tax arrears owed to the Russian government. The breakdown of the Soviet Union led to other problems such as lower exports to the other former Soviet republics and the inability of countries such as the Ukraine to pay for Russian gas and oil.[11] The table below that shows the annual changes in Russia’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) figures between 1992 to 1999 amply demonstrates the disastrous state of the Russian economy throughout much of the Yeltsin era. [12] Stock market crash and Government weakness The perilous financial position of the Yeltsin government itself proved to undermine the revival of the Russian economy as it directly contributed to the collapse of the Russian stock market in 1998. The crash of 1998 ruined millions of small-scale shareholders in Russia and reduced the scale of foreign investment in the Russian economy. Russian investors were in effect made to suffer due to the ineptness of the Russian government in raising enough taxes to run the country and avoid bankruptcy.[13] Under Yeltsin the Russian State had lost out in terms of revenue and economic independence to the oligarchs, profits that should have lined the coffers of the Kremlin lined the pockets of Boris Berezovsky, Vladimir Potanin, and the other oligarchs. All of these factors combined to make the insolvency of the Russian State as principle problem of the Russian economy. Restoring the solvency of the government would increase its scope to solve the other principle problems of the Russian economy , as well as restore the political authority of the state.[14] When Vladimir Putin assumed power his government was faced not only with the task of restoring the solvency of the Russian state, he also had to restore the faith of Russians and foreigners that the government would not default on its loans. The crash of August 1998 had led to the Yeltsin government defaulting on $40 billion worth of foreign loans. The crisis in confidence also saw the rouble decline to a third of its pre-crash value.[15] The Russian economy was not helped by international bodies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or foreign governments most notably the United States by the amounts of capital as the Russian government would have liked.[16] As Prime Minister Vladimir Putin had already shown his commitment to restoring the solvency and the power of the Russian State. Putin’s strength of character plus his determination to succeed contributed to Yeltsin’s decision to resign and maximise Putin’s chances of retaining the presidency after the 2000 presidential election. Putin was elected president in 2000 and claimed the credit for Russia’s improving economy as well as apparent victory in the war against Chechen separatists. Putin put himself forward as the man capable of curing Russia’s profound economic, social, and political problems. If confidence alone was the sole key to solving the principle problems of the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era, then Russia should have been a prosperous state the day Putin entered the Kremlin.[17] Principle Problems of the Russian Economy The first principle problem facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era was the incomplete nature of the transition to a capitalist market economy. The support of Boris Yeltsin for the measures needed for a full transition to a market economy was not consistent throughout his time in office. The economic reforms introduced in 1992 hit the Russian economy harder than the similar reforms introduced in former Communist states such as Poland and Hungary. Russia had a larger economy, more state enterprises and factories plus a much longer period under communist control than any of the former communist states Central and Eastern Europe had. The Yeltsin government received plenty of advice as to whether to introduce economic liberalisation all at once or gradually, although at that point there was no hard evidence as to which approach would be the most successful in the long run. In the short run economic contraction was expected before the Russian economy would show signs of i mprovement and growth.[18] However, the period of economic contraction was longer than many experts had predicted, although the sheer scale of the problems facing the Russian economy throughout the Yeltsin era were enormous. A healthy Boris Yeltsin, despite his lack of knowledge concerning capitalist economics, might have given the government more urgency in tackling those economic proms it could. However, during his second term as president Yeltsin suffered from the affects of heavy drinking and a severe heart condition. Given the prominence of presidential power in the Russian political system having an incapacitated president was detrimental to the tackling of Russia’s economic problems. Not only was Yeltsin frequently ill he would intervene in the government at some inopportune moments. Yeltsin had a tendency to appoint Prime Ministers and cabinets on a whim. If a Prime Minister proved incapable of tackling the country’s many social, economic, and political problem s they would be removed. Paradoxically if a Prime Minister was too successful in resolving those problems or appeared to be more popular than Yeltsin they were also removed from office.[19] A principle problem facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era was that a proper banking system similar to those operating in more established capitalist economies had not been fully developed to aid the Russian economy’s transition in to a capitalist economy. There are various reasons why the lack of a fully developed banking system became a principle problem facing the Russian economy. The lack of such a properly developed and regulated system hindered and deterred foreign businesses from investing in the Russian economy, as potential investors could not be sure of where their money was going. The lack of foreign investment slowed down economic growth in the financial sector of the Russian economy. Growth in the financial sector was needed to compensate for the contractions in the industrial and agricultural sectors of the economy.[20] The lack of a properly regulated banking system also aided the money laundering of illegal profits from the organised crime gan gs that seemed to proliferate after the Soviet Union collapsed. Organised crime gangs had been able to take advantage of the Russian government’s struggle to maintain full political and economic control of Russia. The unregulated nature of the Russian banking system did not help stem the flow of financial capital out of the Russian economy during the Yeltsin era. The Yeltsin government seemed unable or unwilling to take effective measures to stop the flow of capital that was so detrimental to the Russian economy. If the Russian government had been able to attract as much investment into the Russian economy as there was capital exported away from it then the economy would have achieved greater stability and growth. However, the IMF made economic aid and loans to the Russian government conditional upon the Russians on improving the Russian banking system to international standards of performance and regulation. The Russian government could in return claim that Russia’s e conomic problems would have decreased if the Russians had received all the international aid and investments that had been promised in the early 1990s. Whilst aid was slow in coming forward the foreign debts owed by Russia from $97 billion in 1992 to a burdensome $152 billion by 1998. During the same period the amount of GDP the Russian government had to use to service its foreign debts doubled to 60%. That was money that the Russian government could have spent in more productive ways such as increasing spending on non-military research or tackling the social and economic problems that were reducing the performance of the Russian economy.[21] A principle problem facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era was organised crime. Organised crime gangs, as previously noted, took advantage of the lack of political and economic control in Russia. The way in which the transition to a capital economy in Russia had been attempted had benefited organised crime gangs. Organised crime had existed in the Soviet Union due to the people wanting consumer goods as well as drugs that were not available through state enterprises. Under the Soviet economy system all private economic activity had been illegal. Organised crime gangs find post-Communist Russia an easy place to operate with little fear of being caught, rival gangs were more of a threat to each other than the Russian police were to them. If the gangs could not bribe the police they could frequently outfight them. The financial dire straits of the Russian government meant that there were not enough police or customs officials to deter, let alone catch organised crime g angs and their members. Poorly or infrequently paid police and customs officials had little motivation in stopping criminals, including those that resisted the temptation to take bribes.[22] Another principle problem facing the Russian economy at the end of the Yeltsin era was the informal economy in which employers paid in cash, whilst neither they or their workers paid taxes on their earnings or profits. However, the informal economy had in many respects helped to maintain the Soviet economy, despite its in efficiencies and stagnation. The economic reforms introduced at the start of the Yeltsin era offered chances and opportunities to organised crime gangs and individual entrepreneurs to make their fortunes. Previous experience of working in the informal economy did prove advantageous to many Russians wanting to make their fortunes or faced with the more mundane task of surviving.[23] The Russians have a long tradition of people who know the right people within the bureaucracy being able to further their own position. Corruption, bribery, and the calling in of favours could make all the difference between success and failure during the Yeltsin era. The informal economy grew due to the greater economic freedom and the unregulated nature of the Russian economy once market liberalisation had occurred. For many Russians being part of the informal economy was the only way to make ends meet. The Russian government had drastically reduced the number of state owned enterprises, whilst cutting subsidies to the newly privatised enterprises. Private enterprises in Russia would frequently not pay their workers for months to try to stay in business as they found it very difficult to survive against foreign competitors. Not being paid for months or only been paid in kind prompted workers further into the informal economy. Due to the lack of money available to the Russian government public sector employees were not always paid either. Desperation forced many Russians into holding two or three jobs to make ends meet. Without the informal economy the social and economic problems facing Russia could have been worse. [24] When private and public sector workers were paid, the high inflation at the beginning of the Yeltsin era meant that most Russians had to find extra sources of income or face economic ruin. It is difficult to have an accurate idea of the informal economy within framework of the Russian economy in terms of its share of GDP and its actual size. Statistics from the Russian government were even in the 1990s domestically or internationally known for their accuracy. Given the lack of resources available to the Russian police, customs officials, and bureaucrats it is not surprising that few people were caught for their involvement within the informal economy or that Russian officials could be bribed to turn a blind eye. During the Yeltsin era, the Russian government estimated that 25% of Russia’s GDP was generated by the informal economy. Other sources such as the IMF and the Russian press put the figure as high as 80%.[25] The harsh economic realities of life in Yeltsin’s Russia meant that corruption and unregulated economic activity increased dramatically. Organised crime gangs were able to gain from people’s misery and desperation in terms of increased levels of drug taking and prostitution. The collapse of Soviet authority and the difficulty of Russia and its neighbours had in securing their mutual borders had given the organised crime gangs the opportunity to expand their activities as well as their profits.[26] These increases in gang activities lead to higher levels of crime, as people had to resort to desperate measures to feed drug habits and gangs fought each other. Although the outbreaks of gang warfare witnessed in cities such as St Petersburg can mainly be regarded as a law and order issue, such events did have an economic impact during the Yeltsin era. Economic hardship, drug taking, and prostitution have heavily contributed to declining life expectancy rates. Many of the peo ple that should be the most economically active in Russia are either working informally and therefore not paying taxes or they have died prematurely. Drug taking and prostitution have increased the spread of AIDS so that Russia has one of the highest infection rates in the world. The demographic decline in Russia, if left unchecked could have major implications for the Russian economy as well as disastrous effects on its society. Organised crime may help many Russians survive from day to day, yet it makes some gang members very wealthy whilst depriving the Russian government of much needed revenue and leaving the cost of sorting out serious law and order as well as health problems. Organised gangs were also able to take advantage of the Russian governments wars in Chechnya during the Yeltsin era by selling drugs and weapons to both Russian troops and Chechen rebel fighters.[27] Overall the effect on the population of the Russian Federation was an average annual decrease in the popul ation of around 750,000 people throughout the entire 1999s.[28] At the end of the Yeltsin era another principle problem facing the Russian economy was the uncompetitiveness of many industries and businesses. Again the legacy of the economic system of the Soviet Union plays its part in the weaknesses of the Russian economy. The Soviet system had not produced words that Russian consumers or potential foreign consumers had wanted. Instead the Soviet economic planners had determined production levels and the types of goods produced. Once state subsidies were removed all factories and enterprises and the Russian economy was open to unrestricted foreign imports. Russian enterprises were forced to close, drastically cut their workforces, or not pay their workers for long periods. Some businesses resorted to not paying their taxes as part of their efforts to stay operative.[29] One of the leading oligarchs, Mikhail Khodorkovsky estimated that upwards of a million Russian enterprises should have been declared bankrupt. In 1996 the Yeltsin government state d that around 35% of Russian factories and businesses were on the verge of bankruptcy. The Russian government estimated that 80% of Russian factories and businesses were in financial dire straits.[30] The instability of the rouble and a lack of foreign currencies and investment also made it difficult for Russian enterprises to remain competitive. De-valuations of the rouble would briefly aid competitiveness, yet did not offer a long-term solution. Lack of foreign investment and profits made it more difficult for Russian factories to replace obsolete equipment or the latest training for their workers. The standard of education in Russia tended to be high, although there was a lack of people trained in Information Technology and more advanced industrial procedures, especially outside of the military research establishment.[31] The Yeltsin government and the young reformers had hoped that large-scale foreign investment would revive even the most outdated enterprises in the Russian econ omy. Although, not all of the potential foreign investors were put of by the lack of market regulation, the less than welcoming reception received from officials, Russian businesses, and the Russian public deterred many investors from investing in Russia.[32] The young reformers had hoped that their policies would only lead to a short-term contraction of the Russian economy, with a more competitive and modernised Russia emerging from shock therapy. They and Yeltsin were caught by surprise when the affect of shock therapy lasted throughout the Yeltsin era. A sharp contraction in the production levels of Russian heavy industries was expected and indeed occurred. However, the biggest falls in production witnessed during the Yeltsin era was in the production of consumer goods rather than in the more traditional heavy industries. Whilst production in those heavy industries of coal, steel, oil and gas declined by 45% during the 1990s that was not as bad as the decline in production of consumer goods. The move to a capitalist market economy had been anticipated to provide stimulation for increases in the production of Russian made consumer goods such as colour television sets, personal computers, and video recorders. Instead production of these consumer items declined dramatically, by 80% for television sets, 60% for personal computers, and 99% for video recorders. A section of the Russian economy that the government had believed would promote economic growth and provide jobs for those that lost their jobs in other sectors of the economy ceased to exist to any meaningful extent. There are two fairly straightforward explanations for the slump in the production of consumer goods. Those Russians that could afford television sets, personal computers, and video recorders brought more reliable and fashionable imported foreign brands. Through the liberalisation of the Russian economy and the efforts of the informal economy such goods became more widely available if not affordable throughout the Yeltsin era. For the poorest sections of Russian society that had their savings wiped out by inflation and their prospects diminished by unemployment or underemployment throughout the Yeltsin era there were little prospects of them buying the essentials to live let alone Russian or non-Russian consumer goods. The poor could not even afford the low quality and cheaper Russian made goods.[33] A principle problem of the Russian economy closely related to its uncompetitiveness was the increasing shortages of workers, skilled ones in particular. At the start of the Yeltsin era the severe contraction of the Russian economy meant that unemployment had increased. It was not only capital that left the Russian economy once the country moved to a market economic system. Some of the brightest and most capable people working in the Russian economy left the country for better pay and prospects abroad. Of course, not everybody was able to take the opportunity to earn his or her future in exile. In some respects the most harm done to the Russian economy was by the calibre of academics and technicians that left the country. The Yeltsin government could not do as much to halt the brain drain as it had to cut spending on higher education, health services and most notably on defence projects and research. Cuts in defence spending could be justified, as a war with the United States and its NATO allies seemed impossible. The shortage of skilled workers was worsened by the reduction in life expectancy, especially amongst men. The effects of lower life expectancy were mult

Cali Cartel vs. Tijuana Cartel Essays -- essays research papers

The drug trade is a very large and complex system. There are many different organizations involved at different levels. There are groups that operate only in growing and selling the product, and only groups that buy and distribute the drugs. In this essay I will discuss the similarities and differences of two of the largest growers and sellers in the drug trade: The Cali Cartel of Columbia and the Tijuana Cartel of Mexico.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Cali Cartel is the largest, richest, and most complex producers and distributors of cocaine. The cartel concentrates almost entirely in cocaine. Over time they have developed an extremely large and sophisticated distribution system and have generated an extraordinary amount of wealth. Because of their financial stability, they are able to buy planes, ships and warehouses as well as bribe government officials and pay the top lawyers and strongest mercenary groups for protection.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Tijuana Cartel, also known as the AFO, or Arellano-Felix Organization, runs out of Mexico and is known as one of the most violent drug organizations in the world. The group is headed by Benjamin Arellano-Felix and his brothers Ramon, Eduardo and Javier. Ramon Arellano-Felix is a frequent member of the FBI’s Top 10 Most Wanted List. He is known as the most violent brother and is in charge of the group’s security. This group’s competitive edge is not in their distribution system or exorbitant riches but in their ruthless tactics. Because the group is conveniently located near the 2,000 mile border between the US and Mexico, they do not have to spend as much money or have as sophisticated distribution systems as The Cali Cartel does. This border consists largely of rugged terrain that is difficult to patrol. Mexican traffickers have mastered transportation methods over this border.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  What the Cali Cartel lacks in location for transportation, they make up in location for raw materials. The Cali Cartel gets the cocoa leaves they need to make cocaine for extremely cheap and then sell it exponentially higher prices. At this rate, they are able to afford expensive transportation methods. The AFO makes up for this in diversity of product.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  While the Cali Cartel operates exclusively in cocaine, the AFO distributes heroin, marijuana and methamphetamine... ...ce in Columbia and the two groups agree to a ceasefire, the growers would then be vulnerable to government intervention.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In Mexico, the AFO thrives on the large number of corrupt Mexican officials. The cartel makes it a very smart choice for a government official or law enforcer to help them. Not only are they bribed, but they are also threatened with violence. Everyone in Mexico knows from the history of this group that they mean business and any threat is very legitimate. Because of the large amount of corruption in the Mexican government, the Tijuana cartel flourishes.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Both of these cartels are custom made for the area they are located in. If the systems were to switch geographic locations, they would not be nearly as successful. Over the years, the groups have molded to form the perfect fit for a drug cartel to operate in their specific area. As things change, the group changes, it is because of their flexible nature that they have lasted so long. Because of all of these factors, the war on drugs has proven to be an extremely difficult one to win. Information gathered from the DEA website at http://www.usdoj.gov/dea

American Intervention in WWII Essay -- World War II

World War II is generally viewed to be a moral war, or, as Howard Zinn would put it, â€Å"a good war.† This conventional impression of World War II results from American propaganda, along with misinterpretations of related events. Quite the contrary, the United States’ foreign policy, especially during World War II, was driven by imperialist goals rather than humanitarian concern. These foreign interventions are usually justified using political ideologies that advocate the spread of democracy but the United States government fails to act in the interests of the common people in other countries; instead, the US government intervened in foreign countries to protect its own needs and those of its private corporations. In addition, the United States faced competition from other countries, Japan for example, and was naturally pressured into maintaining its superiority internationally. In order to preserve its power, the American government used its ties with Europe to try and amass as much power needed. In the end, this American competition with Japan, American relationship with Europe and the civil injustices within the US prove that this war, as good as it may seem, was motivated by imperialist objectives. American intervention in World War II is generally viewed as a positive act because, as Howard Zinn described, â€Å"It was a war against an enemy of unspeakable evil. Hitler’s Germany was extending totalitarianism, racism, militarism and overt aggressive warfare†; by merely entering the war, the United States gives off an impression of compassion and interest in the welfare of other people. American reaction to Mussolini, for example, demonstrated that, on a rather superficial scale, the United States did in fact attempt to h... ...Pain of WWII Interned Japanese Americans†. BBC. 2009. Web. March 29th 2012. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-17080392. Grevin, James. â€Å"History of US Foreign Policy since World War II.† Internationalism. 2004. Web. March 30th 2012. http://en.internationalism.org /ir/113_us_policy.html N/A. â€Å"How did Participation in America’s Wars affect Black Americans?†. American Studies Today Online. 2007. Web. March 28th 2012. http://www.americansc. org.uk/Online/Woodland.htm Office of the Historian. â€Å"The Atlantic Conference and Charter, 1941†. US Department of State. Web. March 30th 2012. http://history.state.gov/milestones/1937-1945/AtlanticConf. Steven. â€Å"World War II: A People’s War?†. Libcom. 2009. Web. March 27th 2012. http://libcom.org/history/world-war-ii-peoples-war-howard-zinn Zinn, Howard. A People’s History of the United States. New York: Harper Collins,.2003.

Essay on Language, Imagery, and Symbolism in To Be of Use

Use of Language, Imagery, and Symbolism to Develop the Theme of   To Be of Use  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚      In the minds of most people, the words, "hard work" and "heavy labor" carry a negative connotation.   What these words imply is not something that is generally welcomed with enthusiasm but is often accepted either by force or obligation.   Marge Piercy's poem "To Be of Use" conveys an opposing connotation about the idea of work.   The central theme of the poem is that satisfaction, gratification, and self-fulfillment can be attained by using one's capabilities to serve a functional purpose in life, for it is the opinion of the speaker that an idle existence has no value or significance because it is worthless, vain, futile, and pointless.   Piercy uses figurative language, imagery, symbolism, description, and details to develop this theme throughout the poem.   Piercy begins developing the theme in the first stanza by describing "The [type of] people [she loves] the best" (1).   Piercy states that they "jump into work head first/without dallying in the shallows..." (2-3).    With this imagery Piercy reveals that she admires individuals who are not afraid of work; rather, they tackle their jobs "head first/without dallying" ( ); in other words, they are not lazy and do not delay or procrastinate the completion of their duties.   Piercy adds that the people she regards highly "... swim off with sure strokes almost out of sight" (4).   With this image Piercy indicates that these adored individuals work with so much confidence and diligence that often they become so busy that their work puts distance between them and those with whom they associate or live.   Further, Piercy declares that "They seem to become natives of that element, / ... ... the fruits of a person's hard labor will linger to give honor to their memory after their death.   However, Piercy adds that "they were made to be used" to indicate that this won't be the case if a person's labor is not the fruitful productive type.  Ã‚   Piercy concludes by stating that "The pitcher cries for water to carry and a person for work that is real" (25-26).   With this figurative language Piercy develops the theme by affirming that people need to be willing to work hard in order to reach the satisfaction of accomplishing something that is meaningful in their lives. In her poem, Piercy developed the theme of success through active participation in hard work through her use of language. Works Cited Piercy, Marge.   "To Be of Use." Responding to Literature.   2nd ed. Ed. Judith   A. Stanford. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company, 1996. 596.